Urals: feud between 2 business friends turns into clash between law enforcement agencies
At the same time, the FSB had its own view on the situation: it was necessary to put Oleg Grekhov, former head of the MIA in Pervouralsk, in jail.
In the Sverdlovsk region, former operative of the Department of Economic Security and Anti-Corruption of the MIA Directorate in the city of Pervouralsk, Marat Adiullin, who is currently engaged in business, and police officer Radik Molokov from Yekaterinburg, have been detained. According to a source, the criminal prosecution of police officers grew out of the bankruptcy case of an enterprise associated with the Pervouralsky plant of metal structures (PZMK). At the moment, they are charged with receiving a bribe in the amount of about 2 million rubles ($30,000) for resolving the issue as part of the bankruptcy procedure.
The former steel plant is estimated at about 80 million rubles ($1.2mln). Until 2017, this land and the main equipment of the plant was owned by businessman Alik Ibneev (Eurasian Holding), and production was owned by Vladimir Mikheev (Pervouralsky Plant of Metal Structures). Also in the case there is Yevgeny Chernyakov, who was the head of the sales department at the plant.
The enterprise was profitable, but businessmen were not happy with the lack of a railway dead end. Then, in the fateful year 2017 for participants in the events, they decided to build a new enterprise, and sell the old one (workshop and land). The buyer was their long-time friend, businessman Pavel Konev (Pervouralsky Pipes). The deal amounted to 22.5 million rubles ($340,000). But special conditions were also agreed, while the construction of a new plant is underway, the enterprise will remain working in the old place for a nominal rent. Immediately after the transaction, Konev borrowed 17 million rubles ($260,000) cash from Ibneev that went into upgrading the factory site.
Now this receipt of 17 million ($260,000) is attached to the trials of former friends.
But here Konev began to behave strangely, he ruined relations with his fellow colleagues, and on October 13, 2017, he drove out the former owners of the site, referring to alleged, in their opinion, violations of the lease agreement. The plans of Ibneev and Mikheev were violated, and they returned to the factory with the police. Ibneev presented a passport for the equipment, as well as a contract of sale between him and Chernyakov mentioned above.
As a result, Lieutenant Colonel Dmitry Sukhanov, deputy chief of the Department of Internal Affairs of Pervouralsk for operational work, two investigators and an inspector decided to withdraw the equipment and transfer it to Ibneev for additional custody. Konev in response complained to the local police chief about the actions of his subordinates, but only fell under suspicion of arbitrariness. At the same time, the Investigation Department conducted an examination, which established that the signature of Ibneev under the contract of sale of equipment is fake.
And then the case went to court. Ibneev with the help of a receipt easily proved that Konev owed him a large sum. Konev in response filed lawsuits against PZMK, demanding 4 million 800 thousand ($73,000).
Ibneev claims that Konev went crazy and began to threaten everyone with prison and physical harm. The debtor assured that he had connections in the FSB and the ICR at the highest level. It is worth noting that the threats were real, since Konev’s brother was an FSB officer.
But after Konev proposed a deal: Ibneev returns the seized equipment to him, but he does not return him a debt of 13 million rubles ($200,000) (4 million ($60,000) were returned earlier), but promises not to write a statement to the ICR under Article 159 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Fraud” because of fake signatures. When Ibneev refused such an unprofitable transaction, the scenario described by Konev began to be implemented. Employees of the department “M” of the FSB Directorate began a search in theoffice of the Eurasian Holding, Chernyakov was detained. A news came from Konev that Ibneev had the last opportunity to give a receipt that the debt had been returned, or he would be arrested.
On August 5, FSB officers Raspopov and Samoilov approached Ibneev and offered to go to the department. There, his boss, Aleksey Shmakov, was waiting for him, who began to intimidate the businessman that his friend Chernyakov was charged under Part 5 of Article 291 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Bribe on an especially large scale.” According to investigators, the transaction between PZMK and Pervouralsky Pipes was presented as money intended for a bribe.
Ibneev filed a complaint with Prosecutor General Yuri Chaika, the head of the Investigative Committee, Alexander Bastrykin, and the Chief Military Prosecutor, Valery Petrov.
In the document, the businessman said very interesting details of his communication with law enforcement officials. He assures that Shmakov demanded that he testifies that the former head of the MIA in Pervouralsk, police colonel Oleg Grekhov, is involved in the case. Although the entrepreneur himself saw this man a couple of times in his life. Ibneev concluded that the FSB only required him to slander Chernyakov and Grekhov.
Olga Kezik, a lawyer for Grekhov, commented on this post. She believes that since the criminal case of the ex-head of the police is “slipping,” “in Pervouralsk, only the deaf and dumb people were not asked to slander Grekhov.”
On August 22, the court considered a preventive measure for ex-police major Adiullin, who was detained in the case of the head of the PZMK Chernyakov. The judge appointed a preventive measure in the form of a ban on certain actions, but left the former policeman free.
The Russian authorities are introducing more and more measures aimed at the “sovereignty of the Internet” and, in general, IT technologies. By and large, this is somewhat contrary to the very nature of its development, but given that at the very top, we have people who are new to the Internet and modern technologies, this is of little concern to anyone. Ideally, Russia should shut itself up in terms of information realm – without giving out anything, and most importantly, without receiving from the outside. Against this background, the domestic IT sector is happy to “reinvent the wheel,” receiving state references and budget money.