General Nikandrov tells FSB investigation how ICR employees divided Shakro Molodoy's $1mn
Thanks to his detailed testimony, which is valuable for the investigation, Denis Nikandrov, who was sentenced to five and a half years of imprisonment, will be able to be released by parole in 2019 without being in a colony.
Denis Nikandrov, the former deputy head of the Main Investigative Department of the ICR for Moscow, gave detailed testimonies about the stages of transferring a large bribe from the thief in law Zakhary Kalashov to his former direct manager Alexander Drymanov, as well as to other defendants in the case – Head of the Main Department for Interdepartmental Cooperation and Personal Security of the ICR Mikhail Maximenko, his deputy Aleksandr Lamonov and former of the Investigative Department for the Central Administrative District of Moscow of the Main Investigative Directorate of the ICR Aleksey Kramarenko.
In the materials of the investigation, with the testimony of Denis Nikandrov, which are at Rosbalt’s disposal, besides the key points about the negotiations on bribing the ICR staff for the release of crime lord Andrey Kochuykov (Italyanets), the division of the money received by officers is described in details.
In particular, they report that already after the initiation by the Main Investigative Department of the ICR of two criminal cases due to the shootout on December 14, 2015 on Rochdelskaya Street in Moscow against lawyer Eduard Budantsev under art. 105 of the Criminal Code (Murder) and Andrey Kochuykov and Eduard Romanov under article 213 of the Criminal Code (Hooliganism), and with regard to Kochuykov and other unidentified persons under article 163 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (Extortion), Nikandrov has already seen the interest of the leadership of the Main Department for the Interdepartmental Cooperation and Personal Security represented by Mikhail Maksimenko and his deputy Alexander Lamonov to information on these criminal cases.
In the first decade of February 2016, the head of the Main Investigative Department of the ICR in Moscow Drymanov told Nikandrov in his office that the criminal case of a shootout at Rochdelskaya would need to be removed from the division of the Directorate for Investigation of Especially Important Cases and transferred to another department under the control of Nikandrov. After that, Nikandrov was entrusted by Drymanov in a few months, when the excitement subsided, to “throw off” the case to the Investigative Department for the Central Administrative District. Drymanov evaded from explanation of the reasons.
Maksimenko, who was present at one of Nikandrov’s reports, categorically opposed consideration of Budantsev’s actions as exceeding self-defense, insisting on qualifying them as murder. After that, a conversation took place between Maksimenko and Nikandrov, according to which the latter realized that Maksimenko was not really interested in the Budantsev affair, but in the Romanov and Kochuykov affair.
On March 4, 2016, Maksimenko at his home, where he invited Nikandrov, in the presence of Lamonov, asked him to change the investigator on the Kochuykov case, without explaining the reasons, and at the end of the month asked about the prospects for requalifying their case to the article on arbitrariness.
Within a week after this conversation with Maksimenko, Drymanov came to Nikandrov’s office and said that Maksimenko’s friend, businessman Dmitry Smychkovsky was interested in transferring the case of Kochuykov and Romanov to the investigative department of the Central Administrative District of Moscow and after the verdict was softened for the defendants, was ready to pay $1 million for that. In April, after the transfer of the case to Kramarenko’s department, Drymanov told Nikandrov in a whisper in his office that he had agreed with Smychkovsky to transfer to Kramarenko $200,000 from 1 million, noting that “we’ll take the remaining money a little later.”
The next day, Drymanov told Nikandrov that Kramarenko received $200,000 from Smychkovsky, but when he went to collect the remaining amount from the place where it was kept, it turned out that there were only $400,000. Later it turned out that Maksimenko took the money. On the same day, Drymanov handed Nikandrov his share in the bag with the Bosco logo. As a result, Nikandrov and Drymanov each received $200,000, the same amounts, according to Drymanov, received Maksimenko, Kramarenko and Smychkovsky himself.
To Nikandrov’s question about the Lamonov’s share, since the general had previously seen his interest in the outcome of the transfer of the case, Drymanov readdressed it directly to Maksimenko. A week later, Nikandrov did just that, and Maksimenko recommended him not to worry for Lamonov, since "he and his guys have already received 500,000."
The next day, Nikandrov spoke about the conversation between Drymanov and Maksimenko, who, according to the testimony of Nikandrov, sharply reacted to the existence of the second bribe giver and called Lamonov a “fraud.”
Thanks to his testimony, Denis Nikandrov will remain in the Lefortovo jail until the end of the investigation and the trial of three other bribe takers of $1 million – Drymanov, Kramarenko, and the previously sentenced to 13 years of strict regime for other episodes of bribery Maksimenko.
Since Nikandrov is the main witness of the investigation, he will have to speak at the trial. By the time of the announcement of the sentence to his accomplices, Nikandrov’s term of detention will exceed 3 years (the ICR general was arrested on July 19, 2016), which, if the “one year for a year and a half” law applied would result in more than 4.5 years and give Nikandrov the right to ask for early release. According to the source of Rosbalt, it will be surely satisfied, so that Denis Nikandrov will be released around the end of 2019.
In addition to the desired freedom, an extremely profitable deal for Nikandrov will give him the opportunity to escape the colony for former law enforcement officers, which would threaten his life — over the years he worked in the Investigation Committee, Denis Nikandrov became famous for his actions against the MIA officials and the prosecutor’s office, and according to the agency’s interlocutors, is known for extreme rigidity in relation to those under investigation.
Seventeen Russian Governors are facing criminal prosecution for bribe-taking. The rest of them may be jailed any time for exceedance of official powers. At least, Nezygar (@russica2) Telegram channel claims so citing an unidentified source in the law enforcement structures. However, according to that source, it is currently prohibited to prosecute top-level officials. In 2018, the operatives had only searched offices of Vice Governors or Deputy Ministers – not their bosses. The CrimeRussia found out what supreme functionaries are on the hook of the law enforcement authorities and may be immediately indicted if the President orders so.